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By Alexandria Staubach
Milwaukee made national headlines when Milwaukee County Circuit Judge Hannah Dugan was convicted earlier this month for obstruction of a federal proceeding. Dugan was convicted in federal court of obstructing the administrative process of removal by the Department of Homeland Security by her actions at the Milwaukee County Courthouse on April 18, 2025. The jury found her not guilty of a misdemeanor charge of concealing an individual from arrest. Local media provided a play-by-play account of trial during the week of Dec. 15. The jury rendered its verdict on Dec. 18. Dugan’s attorneys have moved for additional time to argue that U.S. District Court Judge Lynn Adelman should set aside the jury’s guilty verdict—the first step in likely a lengthy post-verdict and appeal process. The case could land in front of the U.S. Supreme Court, especially regarding Dugan’s arguments of judicial immunity from prosecution. Adelman rejected those arguments in August 2025. If the defense’s motion for acquittal, which was filed at the close of the prosecution’s case, is any indication, Dugan is likely to mount a broad appeal, but jury instructions are an essential component of every case and, given jurors’ questions during deliberations, they could play a role in what arguments progress. Jury questions could indicate misunderstandings about the instructions. The split verdict—guilty on the felony but not guilty on the misdemeanor—and the questions the jury asked during deliberations beg the question: What happened? After evidence is presented at trial, the judge gives the jury a variety of instructions on how to proceed, including how to conduct deliberations, how to weigh the credibility of an expert, and, very importantly, the elements of the offenses that the jury must find beyond a reasonable doubt for a guilty verdict. It is unusual for judges to issue written opinions about jury instructions, but in this case Adelman did, giving a small window into arguments that Dugan may make going forward. According to Adelman’s written opinion, the jury was largely given pattern instructions as “requested by the government and unopposed by the defense” regarding general matters. Pattern jury instructions are created by committees of judges and lawyers in each jurisdiction and are designed to standardize and simplify complex legal rules for jurors, but they do not exist for every crime in every case. Federal trial courts in Wisconsin are part of the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals jurisdiction and usually start with the Seventh Circuit’s pattern rules. According to Adelman’s opinion, the Seventh Circuit pattern rules do not include standard instructions setting forth the elements of either of the charges against Dugan. Generally, when a pattern instruction does not exist, or a compelling reason exists to deviate from it, each side is permitted to propose an instruction. The judge then looks at the parties’ proposals, relevant law from cases that have dealt with the relevant statute, and pattern instructions in other circuits to craft an instruction. Parties can then suggest changes and object on the record if they disagree with what the judge reads to the jury. Adelman’s opinion indicates that the parties differed over the jury instructions regarding the elements of the two crimes charged in Dugan’s case. Adelman rejected some proffered instructions from each side. As to the misdemeanor charge of concealing an individual from arrest, Adelman instructed the jury that the government had to prove each of the following elements beyond a reasonable doubt:
Adelman wrote in his opinion that the lesser concealment charge for which Dugan was acquitted had no pattern instruction but “cases from other circuits adopt the foregoing elements.” Adelman wrote that the government argued against use of the word “actually” in the third element, arguing that “the word suggests the defendant must have actually succeeded in concealing the individual.” Adelman said he rejected that argument because the “cases include the word ‘actually’ not to require success but to make clear ‘that (the law) does not proscribe all forms of aid to a fugitive’ and that the ‘actual harboring or concealment element requires some affirmative, physical action by the defendant.’” The defense meanwhile sought an instruction requiring “materiality” for this charge. Materiality is a legal doctrine that distinguishes minor errors from substantial issues, preventing things that are trivial from triggering major legal consequences. Adelman wrote that materiality was not an element and that such an instruction was “unnecessary” because the third element included the word “actually” and “addressed the defense concern about mere trifles.” Adelman told the jury that a “federal warrant” includes federal administrative arrest warrants. He added statements in the instructions that “(t)he actual harboring or concealing element requires some affirmative, physical action by the defendant to hide, secrete, or keep out of sight” and that “(m)ere failure to disclose the location of a fugitive is not concealing.” The last statement was made over the government’s opposition, as Adelman found it to be “a correct statement of law.” Adelman declined to include the government’s proposed instruction that included language about conviction “regardless of whether the action was successful in actually delaying the individual’s observation, discovery or arrest.” Adelman wrote that “while the facts of the cases cited by the government may give that implication, they did not directly support an instruction using these terms.” Adelman excluded proposed defense instructions that “amounted to a rehash” of Dugan’s immunity arguments. As to the felony charge of obstructing federal proceedings, Adelman instructed the jury that the government had to prove each of the following elements beyond a reasonable doubt:
Adelman told the jury that DHS is a department of the United States and Immigration and Customs Enforcement is an agency within DHS. He told the jury that "'pending proceeding' simply means any process taking place in the manner and form prescribed for conducting business by or before a department or government agency, including all steps and stages in such an action from its inception to its conclusion.” Adelman included a definition of “endeavored” as meaning acting “purposefully, with knowledge that an action would have the natural and probable effect of wrongfully obstructing the proceeding. An ‘endeavor’ need not be successful.” He told the jury that “corruptly” meant “acting with an improper purpose, personally or by influencing another, including making a false or misleading statement.” According to proposed instructions filed in November, Dugan wanted the judge to tell the jury that “an effort to arrest a person, or to execute an arrest warrant of any kind, is not a proceeding within the meaning of the crime charged.” Adelman wrote in his opinion on the jury instructions that Dugan’s proposal “defined ‘proceeding’ too narrowly.” Adelman again rejected the defense proposal to add a materiality requirement on this count under Seventh Circuit law and because the definition of ”endeavored” that he gave “got at that same concept.” Other instructions proposed by the defense were not supported by case law or were “again a rehash of defendant’s immunity argument,” Adelman wrote. Dugan had proposed a jury instruction requiring the jury to unanimously agree on which, if any, of her actions established that she endeavored to influence, obstruct, or impede a pending proceeding. Adelman explained in his opinion that the jury did not need to unanimously agree on the acts committed to execute the endeavor. During their six hours of deliberations, the jury asked two key questions focused on the elements of the offenses. The jury first asked whether Dugan needed to know the specific identity of the person ICE agents were seeking (Eduardo Flores-Ruiz) to be convicted of the concealment charge. Adelman responded that, yes, Dugan did need to know the identity of the person being sought. The jury then similarly asked whether Dugan needed to know the specific identity of Flores-Ruiz to obstruct a federal proceeding. According to the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, Adelman responded: "To know of a pending proceeding, the defendant needed to have sufficient knowledge about the nature of the proceeding." The jury then found Dugan guilty on that count. One juror told the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel that if Dugan had had to know the specifics of the proceeding at issue, the jury would have found her “not guilty” on the obstruction count. Dugan, who is not up for reelection until 2028, has been suspended with pay since April. Since her conviction, Republicans in the state Legislature have called for her resignation, threatening impeachment if she fails to resign. A judge has not been impeached in Wisconsin since 1853. Dugan has until Jan. 30, 2026, to file additional post-verdict motions and argument.
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By Margo Kirchner
At least seven judicial races are wide open for the April 2026 election. The most prominent races are for the Supreme Court seat currently filled by Justice Rebecca Bradley and the Court of Appeals District 2 seat currently held by Judge Lisa Neubauer. Sitting judges who are not running for reelection were to file a “notification of noncandidacy” by Dec. 26. Failure to file the notice on time does not prohibit the judge from dropping out, but it allows other candidates for that seat a little extra time to gather and file signatures and other required paperwork to run. Judges who have filed notices of noncandidacy for the April 2026 election:
Declarations of candidacy, campaign registration certificates, and nomination papers with valid signatures for 2026 judicial races are due no later than 5:00 p.m. on Tuesday, Jan. 6. If a sitting judge fails to file the notice of noncandidacy and then fails to file the required candidacy documents by Jan. 6, the nomination deadline for others to qualify for that seat extends by 72 hours, to Friday, Jan. 9. Court of Appeals and Milwaukee County Circuit Court candidates must file at least 1,000 and up to 2,000 valid nomination signatures, while circuit candidates in other counties must file at least 200 and up to 400 valid signatures. Wisconsin Supreme Court candidates must file 2,000 to 4,000 valid signatures. The spring election is Tuesday, April 7, 2026. If a primary is necessary, it will be held on Feb. 17. By Alexandria Staubach The shuttering of WisconsinEye earlier this week has left a gaping hole in the public’s ability to watch what their officials are doing. For nearly 20 years, Wisconsin advocacy groups, community organizers, and independent journalists have relied on WisconsinEye, or “WisEye.” It provided comprehensive coverage of Capitol happenings and has been the state’s only gavel-to-gavel coverage of the Legislature, Supreme Court, Elections Commission, and more. WisconsinEye shut down on Dec. 15 due to a lack of funding and failure to meet minimum fundraising goals required to take advantage of a $10 million match offered by the Legislature earlier this year. It provided unedited, live coverage of full proceedings, as well as an important archive. WisconsinEye’s coverage allowed WJI staff and citizens across the state and nationwide to analyze arguments and identify the positions of Wisconsin’s legislators, justices, and executive branch officials without filter. Its closure highlights a dangerous trend: the decline of civic infrastructure. With the coverage and archive gone, tracking what happens at the Capitol becomes exponentially harder. Fish big and small—from formal media to nonprofits to active Wisconsinites of all parties and interests—will shoulder the weight of WisconsinEye’s demise. Wisconsin Justice Initiative's small staff is located in Milwaukee. WisconsinEye’s coverage of legislative hearings allowed staff to watch them without taking an entire day to travel to Madison. WJI has already missed a public hearing on proposed legislation to increase the maximum penalty for certain controlled substance offenses occurring near a homeless shelter. Kate Duffy, the woman behind Wisconsin’s @motherhoodforgood, spoke to WJI about the importance of WisconsinEye to what she does on that social media platform. Duffy's platform, with more than 100,000 followers, aims to make individual advocacy and civic engagement accessible to its followers. “As an independent content creator and civic educator, access to WisEye is essential to my work,” said Duffy. “More people are getting their news from social media, and many of us who aim to reach these audiences don’t have access to a traditional newsroom or the ability to be at the Capitol every day,” she said. Duffy said WisconsinEye allows her "to see for myself what’s actually happening in legislative hearings and floor sessions, without filters or spin.” “At a time when trust in information is fragile, WisEye remains one of the few truly objective, public-facing sources available,” she said. “Keeping it funded is critical to transparency and public understanding.” Amanda Merkwae, advocacy director at the ACLU of Wisconsin, confirmed that importance, telling WJI, “WisconsinEye plays a vital role in keeping the public informed and holding those in power accountable through transparency.” “Watching legislative floor sessions and committee hearings, Wisconsin Supreme Court oral arguments, and other programming on WIsconsinEye is part of my near-daily routine," she said. It’s unclear whether or how WisconsinEye could continue. Earlier this week a message replacing the decades-long archive of hearings and live coverage said in part: “Without consistent annual funding . . . citizens, legislators, legislative staff, the governor’s administration, agency leadership and staff, trade associations, attorneys and the courts, local government officials, journalists and all print, cable, television and radio news outlets, businesses, nonprofit organizations — all lose the only reliable and proven source of unfiltered State Capitol news and state government proceedings.” It attributed the shuttering to “extreme competition and a complete collapse in private funding.” That message has since been replaced by one highlighting the station’s award-winning coverage and years of service: Legislation circulated for co-sponsorship by Sens. Mark Spreitzer, Kelda Roys, and Chris Larson and Rep. Brienne Brown earlier this week may provide an answer.
A new bill proposes the establishment of an Office of the Public Affairs Network to replace WisconsinEye. According a memo regarding co-sponsorship, the proposal “creates a permanent office to operate a public affairs network that will provide full coverage of state government proceedings in Wisconsin.” The memo says the Office of the Public Affairs Network would administer a network to:
The network would be governed by a board of seven, including the governor or their designee, two additional public appointees of the governor, and four legislators—one from the majority and one from the minority caucuses in both chambers. The Legislature would appropriate $2 million annually to support eight staff positions, which, according to the memo is equivalent to WisconsinEye’s “current coverage while supporting increased access.” The bill also directs the Department of Administration to “attempt” to obtain WisconsinEye’s digital archive to be incorporated into the new network’s archive. “While WisconsinEye's current contract requires them to hand over digital archives to the Wisconsin Historical Society for ongoing public access if WisconsinEye is ever dissolved or liquidated, WisconsinEye’s current funding issues have resulted in WisconsinEye taking the archives offline without a replacement becoming available,” wrote the senators. In the memo, the senators say the bill will transform “the recording, broadcasting, and archiving of Wisconsin’s state government proceedings from a failed private venture into a reliable, nonpartisan public service.” No matter the form, WisconsinEye’s coverage is critical to effective advocacy and public access to the actions of elected officials. “WisconsinEye’s live webcasts and recordings of state legislative proceedings in Wisconsin provide transparency and critical access to democracy for residents all over the state,” Merkwae told WJI. “We hope the Legislature can come to an agreement to continue this essential service, not only for individuals and organizations engaging in legislative advocacy, local government officials impacted profoundly by state government decisions, and journalists, but for everyday Wisconsinites who have a right to an accessible way to access what is happening in state government,” she said. By Margo Kirchner
The administrative warrant held by the Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers for the arrest of Eduardo Flores-Ruiz at the Milwaukee County Courthouse on April 18, 2025, was simply a form signed by an ICE agent. ICE Enforcement and Removal Operations Supervisor Anthony Nimtz testified on Monday during the trial of Milwaukee County Circuit Judge Hannah Dugan that he signed the Flores-Ruiz administrative warrant, known as an I-200, on April 17. Dugan is charged with interfering with ICE agents’ arrest of Flores-Ruiz at the county courthouse on April 18. The type of warrant ICE officers held is an issue in the case. Nimtz acknowledged during his testimony that ICE officers did not have a type of warrant that allowed them to enter nonpublic areas but instead had the I-200 signed by Nimtz. He added that Milwaukee County officers are directed to not let ICE make arrests in nonpublic portions of the county courthouse. He said that arrests in a courthouse avoid safety risks for ICE officers, as subjects have been screened for weapons when entering the building. According to Nimtz and the copy of the Flores-Ruiz warrant shown in court, an I-200 warrant commands an ICE officer to take the individual into custody for removal proceedings under the Immigration and Nationality Act. Nimtz testified that Flores-Ruiz met two characteristics of ICE policy for arrest: public safety issues and having reentered the country illegally after removal. Noncitizen Flores-Ruiz had previously been ordered to leave the country on Jan. 15, 2013. Nimtz acknowledged that whether a prior order of removal like Flores-Ruiz’s 2013 order is to be reinstated is also up to ICE officers. They can issue warrants of removal—or orders of deportation—using a form known as an I-205. On cross-examination by Dugan's attorney, Nicole Masnica, Nimtz admitted that ICE arrests could use arrest warrants issued by federal judges or administrative law judges, but in Flores-Ruiz’s case the warrant was one signed by him as an ICE supervisor. A field operations worksheet (FOW) about Flores-Ruiz signed by Nimtz on April 17 and shown to the jury on Monday included Flores-Ruiz’s address. Nimtz agreed that the type of warrant he issued could not be used to go into someone’s home. Nimtz acknowledged an error in the FOW paperwork, which directs notice to the police department where an ICE arrest will take place. The FOW for Flores-Ruiz noted district 2, which is on the southside of Milwaukee, rather than district 1 where the county courthouse is located or even district 3 where Ruiz lived. Nimtz said he did not notice the error at the time. Nor did he make sure he had an accurate understanding of the charges in Flores-Ruiz's Milwaukee County court case when he signed the FOW and I-200. Nimtz said that at the time he signed the documents he thought Flores-Ruiz had pending charges for strangulation or suffocation. Nimtz found out only later that the actual charges against Flores-Ruiz were misdemeanor battery charges. He acknowledged on cross-examination that safety protections for ICE officers regarding courthouse arrests would still exist if ICE officers waited to arrest a subject when the subject is leaving the building. Wisconsin Justice Initiative policy analyst Alexandria Staubach spoke about the importance of protecting court proceedings at a Monday rally addressing the multiple consequences of Immigration and Customs Enforcement presence in Wisconsin courthouses.
“When a place that is designed to protect you, protect your right to a fair and impartial trial, your right to protection, your right to dignity and equal treatment before the law, becomes a trap to ensnare people seeking justice, we are all less safe,” Staubach said. She added that victims, witnesses, and the accused don’t disappear but “just stay home.” The rally took place just prior to opening statements in Milwaukee County Circuit Judge Hannah Dugan’s federal trial on charges of obstructing a federal agency and concealing an individual to prevent arrest. Dugan is accused of assisting an immigrant, Eduardo Flores-Ruiz, evade ICE arrest by providing him access to a restricted hallway and directing federal agents away from her courtroom. Dozens of organizers and community members gathered outside the federal courthouse in Milwaukee, braving low digit temperatures to register their discontent with Dugan’s prosecution. Staubach noted in her comments the power of federal prosecutors, including recently appointed Interim U.S. Attorney Brad Schimel. “We’re going to say the quiet part out loud for Brad Schimel,” said Staubach, a former assistant district attorney in Colorado. “Prosecutions are discretionary.” Maxwell Love, the state political and campaign director for the Working Families Party, told WJI the coalition holding the rally was built “so that we could bring the case into the ‘court of public opinion.’” The group seeks “to make sure that the Milwaukee community could engage in a conversation about our values of fairness, due process, and democracy since we couldn’t be present in the courtroom,” Love said. The group highlighted the detrimental impact ICE presence has in the courthouse and its chilling effect on access to justice. “If due process can be violated for one group, it can and will be violated for all,” Wisconsin Working Families Party director Corinne Rosen said. “Today we stand together in this freezing cold to reject fear.” Christine Neumann-Ortiz, executive director of Voces de la Frontera, discussed the human impact and feelings of insecurity and intimidation created in immigrant community when ICE stands between them and access to justice. Louis Davis, executive director of SEIU Wisconsin led the crowd in chanting, “Your struggle is my struggle.” Nick Ramos, executive director of the Wisconsin Democracy Campaign got the crowd going in yelling, “This is what democracy looks like.” The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel reported that the chants and supportive honking could be heard inside the courthouse. Opening statements for Dugan’s trial began immediately after the rally. Prosecutors leaned heavily on the idea that courthouse arrests are “safe” and “routine,” and that Dugan’s “judicial robe didn’t put her above the law.” Dugan defense attorney Steven Biskupic said that conjecture about a chaotic morning was leading the federal prosecution and that Dugan did not obstruct law enforcement pursuit of Flores-Ruiz. Biskupic said Dugan directed federal law enforcement away from her courtroom in accord with a draft policy previously circulated by Chief Judge Carl Ashley to the Milwaukee County judges, telling them to direct federal agents to their supervisor. Biskupic said Dugan had not yet heard whether or for whom the federal agents had a warrant and so she did not intend to obstruct any action on their warrant. Biskupic also showed a screenshot of a group chat between federal agents, which suggested they had decided, on their own, not to arrest Flores-Ruiz in the courtroom hallway. A video shown during Biskupic’s opening remarks showed federal agents walking behind Flores-Ruiz at a leisurely pace as he exited the sixth floor of the courthouse where Dugan’s courtroom is located. The federal government plans to call up to 28 witnesses in the case and the trial is expected to last around five days. Wisconsin Court of Appeals clarifies prior conviction count for domestic violence sentence enhancer12/11/2025 By Alexandria Staubach A recent decision by the Wisconsin Court of Appeals addresses the state’s ability to count prior convictions in cases where the “domestic abuse repeater” statute applies. The statute is a discretionary sentence enhancer that not only increases the length of a potential sentence but also morphs what would otherwise be misdemeanor conduct into a felony. That the sentence enhancer can turn a misdemeanor into a felony was top of mind for the trial court judge, but it was dismissed as inconsequential at the appellate level. Hruz Judge Thomas M. Hruz delivered the opinion of the District 3 appellate panel, joined by Presiding Judge Lisa K. Stark and Judge Gregory B. Gill Jr. Under the statute, a defendant may qualify as a repeat offender if during the preceding 10-year period they are “convicted on 2 or more separate occasions” of a domestic abuse offense. On appeal, the question for the court was whether those two prior convictions could stem from the same set of events or case. The defendant, Brian Tyrone Ricketts Jr., was convicted of two prior acts of domestic abuse, but the convictions arose out of a single incident in 2021. Ricketts argued that the single incident should not qualify him as a repeat offender under the statute. The state argued that the domestic abuse repeater statute applies to two convictions irrespective of how they were accumulated and that the statute should be interpreted in the same manner as the general repeater statute. The Wisconsin Supreme Court has interpreted the general repeater statute to apply “as long as the defendant was convicted of three misdemeanors during the requisite statutory time period, even if the convictions arose out of the same incident and occurred during a single court appearance,” Hruz wrote. However, a distinction between the general repeater statute and the domestic abuse repeater statute remained because the domestic abuse statute bumps what would otherwise be misdemeanor conduct up to a felony offense. That distinction led Brown County Circuit Judge John P. Zakowski to interpret the domestic abuse statute to require two separate and distinct occurrences of domestic violence in Ricketts’ case. “With the elevation of a misdemeanor to a felony, there is a significant change in the case,” he said. Zakowski relied on Supreme Court precedent related to the sex offender registration statute to conclude that the common, ordinary, and accepted meaning of two or more separate occasions means separate dates of offense. “For example, if a defendant had been involved in only one domestic abuse incident on a particular date and was asked on how many occasions s/he was convicted of a domestic abuse offense, the court would expect the correct answer to be ‘one,’” wrote Zakowski. The problematic word for the appeals court was “occasion,” which it said has “multiple common, ordinary meanings.” The court noted that the word can mean both an incident and a time at which something occurs or an instance of something. This, to the court, made the statute ambiguous. When a statute is ambiguous, the court may look outside the plain meaning of the text and examine legislative history or use other methods of statutory construction. In this case, “the parties have not directed us to any legislative history of the domestic abuse repeater statute that is relevant to the issue presented in this appeal,” wrote Hruz, so the court used other “canons” or principles of statutory construction. The appeals court agreed with the state that the statute should be interpreted consistently with the Wisconsin Supreme Court’s prior considerations of the general repeater statute. Because the statues appear to be related laws dealing with the same topic, population, or class of things, “they should be construed together,” wrote Hruz. In a footnote, Hruz wrote that the statute’s feature of bumping a new conviction from a misdemeanor to a felony is a “minor difference.” The appeals court then concluded that a person qualifies as a domestic abuse repeater “if he or she was convicted of two or more qualifying domestic abuse offenses during the requisite statutory time period, regardless of whether those convictions arose out of the same incident, had the same offense date, or occurred during the same court appearance.” Ricketts’ case was remanded back to the trial court for further proceedings consistent with the appeals court’s ruling. By Alexandria Staubach At Milwaukee's celebration of International Humans Rights day, a panel of professionals and community activists were in lockstep that the United States is in a constitutional crisis. The city's eighth annual celebration of International Human Rights Day on Saturday was technically a celebration. But the event took on a cautionary tone as members of the public and city officials gathered in discussion around democracy, its erosion, and its relationship to human rights. Panelists in a segment titled “Unpacking Democracy and Human Rights,” emphasized that human rights are the bedrock of any functioning democracy. They explored the nexus between the constitutional crisis they believe is occurring and the erosion of human rights. The panel included James Santelle, former U.S. attorney for the Eastern District of Wisconsin; Christine Neumann-Ortiz, executive director of Voces de la Frontera; Yante Turner, director of youth programming at GSAFE, which champions the rights of LGBTQ+ youth, and member of Sun-Seeker MKE, a Black trans-led community organizing group; and Svetlana Her, president of the Milwaukee Youth Council. Emilio De Torre, executive director of the Milwaukee Turners, led the discussion. Milwaukee Mayor Cavalier Johnson and Milwaukee Equal Rights Commission Chair Tony Snell Rodriguez gave opening remarks. “International Human Rights Day gives us the opportunity to reflect on what is happening in our country,” Johnson said, adding that “modern political trends are weakening human rights.” “We’ve got to stand against that movement,” he said. “Our democracy is not self-effectuating.” “Protecting human rights is not a passive task … it requires action,” he said. De Torre’s first question—whether the American democracy is in crisis—elicited comments from the panel that we are living in unprecedented times.
Santelle, who served 30 years in various roles within the federal government, called the current justice system “unrecognizable.” “It’s not just atypical, not just abhorrent, it’s inconsistent with the purpose of the U.S. Department of Justice,” he said. Santelle asked the audience to “embrace” feelings of disaffection to empower action. “Your own sense of disaffection from your government—you’re not alone and that sense is right and accurate,” he said. As U.S. attorney under President Barack Obama, Santelle led the Milwaukee office of federal prosecutors. He said the current justice department is working against the people by participating in litigation to dismantle the departments of education and housing and by engaging in prosecutions “premised upon the notion that the president of the United States does not like people.” Neumann-Ortiz said the immigrant community see signs of crisis in the increased freedom of Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents to wrongfully arrest people and in open discrimination by law enforcement. “We’ve got to think about our rights now and defend them,” she said. “Use your rights or lose them.” Turner noted the experience of Black and particularly queer Black individuals. Turner said calling this a constitutional crisis “feels unaccountable,” because “it’s always been a crisis for some people in this country.” Nevertheless, this is “a crucial point of change for better or worse,” Turner said—the only question being whether in the years to come we will be “building off or recovering from” the changes enacted at the federal level. Milwaukee’s Equal Rights Commission and the city’s chapter of the United Nations Associations host the annual event, open to the public. This year the event occurred at the Milwaukee Youth Arts Center. Note: In a normal SCOW docket post we crunch Supreme Court of Wisconsin decisions down to manageable size. The rules for this are that no justice gets more than 10 paragraphs as written in the actual decision and the “upshot” and “background” sections do not count because of their summary and necessary nature. In this post, we’re breaking down last week's unsigned order of the court in cases challenging Wisconsin's congressional districting, plus the concurring and dissenting opinions. Each justice will still receive no more than 10 paragraphs. Regular italics are in the original opinion. Italics surrounded by parentheses indicate WJI insertions. This post is slightly different than prior ones because there are actually two orders. Two separate cases challenge Wisconsin’s congressional districting, and the court issued an order in each case. The orders and opinions in each case are nearly identical and address substantively the same arguments. The quotations for this post come from Bothfeld. As usual, we’ve generally removed citations from the opinions for ease of reading. However, in this instance, some statutory citations and references to prior Supreme Court decisions are necessary to understand the opinions. Several references to the multiple Johnson opinions in particular are left in. That case concerned the challenges to Wisconsin’s redistricting maps following the 2020 census and resulted in opinions subsequently called Johnson I, Johnson II, and Johnson III. Finally, we have included both versions of one paragraph of Justice Annette Kingsland Ziegler’s dissent. Following issuance of these orders on Nov. 25, journalist Mark Joseph Stern quickly posted on Bluesky and reported in Slate about Ziegler’s inaccurate quotation and interpretation of the U.S. Supreme Court's decision in Moore v. Harper. Stern told Wisconsin Justice Initiative last week that he asked the Wisconsin Supreme Court to correct it. Ziegler’s initial dissent was replaced by a new version eliminating the quotation marks and adding a parenthetical. We quote both versions, with the changed language in bold. The cases: Elizabeth Bothfeld v. Wisconsin Elections Commission Wisconsin Business Leaders for Democracy v. Wisconsin Elections Commission Majority: Unsigned but consisting of Chief Justice Jill Karofsky and Justices Rebecca Dallet, Janet Protasiewicz, and Susan Crawford (5 pages) Concurrence in part and dissent in part: Justice Brian K. Hagedorn (2 pages) Dissent: Justice Annette Kingsland Ziegler (9 pages) Dissent: Justice Rebecca Grassl Bradley (7 pages) Upshot (The court held that pursuant to state statutes it must appoint a three-judge panel and select a venue for each case to hear the challenges to congressional districting. The court chose Dane County Circuit Court as the venue for both cases and appointed the following circuit court judges: Bothfeld case: Julie Genovese, Dane County Circuit Court Mark Sanders, Milwaukee County Circuit Court Emily Lonergan, Outagamie County Circuit Court WBLD case: David Conway, Dane County Circuit Court Patricia Baker, Portage County Circuit Court; and Michael Moran, Marathon County Circuit Court) Background On July 22, 2025, this court received written notice from the Dane County Clerk of Courts of the filing of a summons and complaint on July 8, 2025, by Elizabeth Bothfeld and other individual voters (collectively, “Bothfeld”) against the Wisconsin Elections Commission et al. (collectively, “WEC”). The complaint alleges that Wisconsin’s current congressional map violates the Wisconsin Constitution in various respects. The Dane County Clerk of Courts enclosed a copy of the summons and complaint in its July 22, 2025 written notice to this court. This court opened miscellaneous Case No. 2025XX1438 to receive these filings. *** On September 25, 2025, this court entered an order requiring the parties to submit simultaneous briefs and response briefs addressing “whether Bothfeld’s complaint filed in the circuit court constitutes ‘an action to challenge the apportionment of a congressional or state legislative district’ under WIS. STAT. § 801.50(4m).” (The court granted motions by individual voters and the Wisconsin Legislature to file amici curiae (nonparty) briefs and granted a motion to intervene filed by a group of Congressmen and individual voters.) Majority . . . . WISCONSIN STAT. § 731.035(1) states that “[u]pon receiving notice under s. 801.50(4m), the supreme court shall appoint a panel consisting of 3 circuit court judges to hear the matter. The supreme court shall choose one judge from each of 3 circuits and shall assign one of the circuits as the venue for all hearings and filings in the matter.” *** The Bothfeld plaintiffs argue that their complaint clearly constitutes “an action to challenge the apportionment of any congressional or state legislative district” for purposes of WIS. STAT. § 801.50(4m). This is so given that, in various cases over many years’ time, this court has used the terms “redistricting,” “apportionment,” and “reapportionment” interchangeably to mean redrawing Wisconsin’s congressional and state legislative districts so as to comply with state or federal law. The court’s use of these terms interchangeably comports with (the Wisconsin Constitution), which labels the state legislative redistricting process “Apportionment” in its title and describes the legislature’s task as to “apportion and district” anew. Moreover, cases interpreting an analogous federal statute, which requires appointment of three-judge panels to hear “apportionment” challenges in federal courts, consistently use the terms “apportionment” and “redistricting” interchangeably. Given the above, the Bothfeld plaintiffs argue, their complaint plainly falls within the scope of § 801.50(4m), thus requiring this court to appoint a three-judge panel and designate a circuit court venue pursuant to state law. The Congressmen, the Legislature, and the amici generally argue that Bothfeld’s complaint does not fall within the scope of WIS. STAT. § 801.50(4m) because the complaint is not an “apportionment” challenge, which they define narrowly as a challenge to the distribution of legislative seats among districts. Bothfeld’s complaint is instead a “redistricting” challenge, which they define narrowly as a challenge to district boundaries. In their view, the non-synonymous nature of the terms is confirmed by the Wisconsin Constitution, which uses the terms “apportion” and “district” in a single section, indicating that the terms have distinct meanings. Moreover, these parties argue, “apportionment” refers only to legislative action, not the remedial judicial action that this court took in Johnson II, of adopting Wisconsin’s current congressional map. Because Bothfeld’s lawsuit is not an “apportionment” challenge, these parties submit, the court should not appoint a three-judge panel. Instead, the court should employ its superintending authority and dismiss Bothfeld’s complaint, as the suit constitutes an improper collateral attack on Johnson II that a lower court is in no position to adjudicate. The defendants—WEC, its members, and its administrator—filed a statement explaining that it takes no position on the question posed. We conclude that Bothfeld’s complaint does constitute “an action to challenge the apportionment of any congressional or state legislative district” for purposes of WIS. STAT. § 801.50(4m). We acknowledge, as noted by the parties, that in (a prior case) we stated in a footnote, without citation, that “[r]eapportionment is the allocation of seats in a legislative body where the district boundaries do not change but the number of members per district does (e.g., allocation of congressional seats among established districts, that is, the states); redistricting is the drawing of new political boundaries[.]” But this statement did not address the meaning of § 801.50(4m)—a statute that did not exist until nearly 10 years after the Jensen decision. Were we to view Jensen as dispositive of the meaning of the term “apportionment” in § 801.50(4m)—such that here, the term would refer only to the allocation of congressional seats to Wisconsin—it is difficult to conceive of any state-court “action to challenge the apportionment of any congressional . . . district” to which § 801.50(4m) would apply, as “apportionment” in that sense occurs only at the federal level, not the state level. We decline to adopt such a cramped reading of the statute, particularly given that neither we nor other courts have consistently used the term “apportionment” in such a limited sense. We also reject as unsupported the suggestion in the briefing that “apportionment” refers only to legislative action, not judicial action. Because Bothfeld’s complaint constitutes an “action to challenge the apportionment of a congressional or state legislative district” within the meaning of § 801.50(4m), this court is required to appoint a three-judge panel and to select a venue for the action pursuant to (state statute). Hagedorn Concurrence in part and dissent in part The question before us at this stage is a narrow one, and it does not involve whether the petitioners have valid claims or can obtain their requested relief. The issue is simply whether this court should appoint a three-judge panel pursuant to (state statutes). As the court’s order explains, I conclude these statutes apply to this case, and a panel must be appointed. I disagree, however, with how this court is fulfilling its statutory mandate. Wis. Stat. § 801.50(4m) provides a unique venue selection mechanism for actions challenging “the apportionment of any congressional . . . district,” and directs us to WIS. STAT. § 751.035. That section then sets forth procedures to provide both a new location and a new judicial decision-maker. These statutes are transparently designed to prevent forum shopping in disputes over where congressional lines should be drawn. To avoid litigants simply choosing their preferred venue and judge, the statute requires the appointment of a three-judge panel with each judge coming from a different judicial circuit, and then requires that venue be assigned to one of those circuits. Given the nature of this case and the statute’s implicit call for geographic diversity and neutrality, a randomly-selected panel and venue would be a better way to fulfill the statutory mandate. Instead, my colleagues have chosen to keep this case in Dane County and leave the originally assigned Dane County judge on the panel. The court has also hand-selected two additional judges rather than using a neutral process. To be clear, I am not suggesting the judicial panel will fail to do its job with integrity and impartiality. But this approach is an odd choice in the face of a statute so clearly designed to deter litigants from selecting their preferred venue and judge. I also write to respond to the entreaty from the Congressmen, the Legislature, and the amici that we use our superintending authority to seize this case from the circuit court, exercise independent jurisdiction, and dismiss it on the merits. This request is not without force given the unique posture of this case. The petitioners here make the rather extraordinary plea for the circuit court to declare a 2022 decision and order of this court unconstitutional. That said, these issues are not yet ours to decide. Our role at this stage is limited—dealing only with the statutory mandate to appoint a three-judge panel which is then empowered to adjudicate the petitioners’ claims. To be sure, the Congressmen, the Legislature, and the amici raise legal roadblocks that must be reckoned with. But setting the precedent that this court should swoop in and shut down a case before it ever gets to us is not a door we should open. The circuit court panel will consider all the relevant substantive and procedural arguments in due course, and I would give it that opportunity. I therefore concur in the court’s order appointing the panel, but I disagree with the method the court uses to appoint the panel and select venue. Ziegler Ziegler dissent Today, my colleagues—disregarding the United States Constitution, the Wisconsin Constitution, and fundamental legal principles—approve a collateral attack of our court’s decision by a panel of circuit court judges, unsupported in the law and barred by laches. The majority not only undermines our constitutional authority and circumvents established redistricting precedent but also, again, usurps the legislature’s constitutional power. In allowing this litigation to proceed, the majority abdicates its constitutional superintending authority to Wisconsin’s circuit courts. Compounding the constitutional problems which prohibit a circuit court panel from reconsidering or overturning our decisions, the selection process for this hand-picked panel lacks even a hint of transparency. Behind closed doors, my colleagues chose three circuit court judges to consider apportioning, not redistricting, court-established congressional maps - something this panel is not constitutionally empowered to do. This action is barred by laches and is contrary to the Wisconsin Constitution and the Elections Clause of the United States Constitution. Under our state constitution and the United States Constitution, map-drawing authority lies with the legislature alone. And, our court has repeatedly declined to reconsider its adoption of Governor Evers’ congressional maps in Johnson II. While we were forced to act in the Johnson cases due to the impasse between the legislature and the governor, we are not faced with any such constitutional crisis here. This panel is not apportioning maps that the legislature drew and the governor approved. The so-called “apportionment” is of maps our court selected. The majority does not consider any of these distinctions in its order. Because these are court-created maps, the panel has no constitutional authority to revisit or change them, nor can it redefine apportionment because that too was decided in Johnson I. In Johnson I and Johnson II, the court decided apportionment, partisan gerrymandering, and congressional map districting, and those decisions remain unchanged, as do the court-selected congressional maps. Plaintiffs cite no authority to support a circuit judge panel revisiting our court’s determinations on apportionment. What the panel is to consider in addressing only apportionment is as clear as mud. If our court understands that the constitution forbids such a panel from reconsidering or overturning our court’s decision on apportionment or redistricting, then it is unclear what else the panel can do other than restate Johnson I and II. Otherwise, the court’s order has put the panel in a constitutional dilemma because the panel lacks any authority to revisit our decisions. *** I dissent without considering the merits of the case. In fact, it is impossible to know what the panel will be doing. The order ignores the many concerns that I raise, the questions to be answered by the panel, the factors to be weighed, the arguments that will be set forth, or any standards that might apply. Given Johnson I and its progeny, it is difficult to know what, if anything, this panel can or should do, and our court provides zero guidance. To me, the only constitutionally permissible action we should take is to dismiss this charade. Once again, a majority of this court engages in partisan judicial activism—this time to reshape congressional maps. This is no isolated incident; it is a pattern. As Justice Rebecca Grassl Bradley recently observed: “Political forces continue to use this court to obtain what the democratic process denies them. The Wisconsin Constitution plainly prohibits a circuit court—empaneled by this court or not—from adjudicating a challenge to a final judgment of the supreme court. The majority nevertheless entertains yet another kick at the redistricting cat. “ We have heard the substance of this case before. The plaintiffs have merely returned for a second bite at the apple armed with a fresh legal theory. Even though they have cited no authority in support of their extraordinary legal theory, this court accepts their approach wholesale without demonstrating any legal analysis, critical reasoning, or attempt to reconcile this unprecedented proceeding with constitutional constraints. Not one word from the majority addressing laches. Instead, the court places this three-judge panel in the impossible position of considering “apportionment” without any authority to reconsider or overturn our precedent. *** (Original version:) Worse yet, the plaintiffs’ theory disobeys the United States Constitution’s Elections Clause which vests redistricting responsibility exclusively in “the Legislature thereof.” As the United States Supreme Court recently reaffirmed, the role of state courts in congressional redistricting is “exceedingly limited.” Moore v. Harper, 600 U.S. 1, 34 (2023). This lawsuit invites the very judicial meddling that the Constitution prohibits. We see other states invoking fairly interesting procedures to address congressional maps. We do not see other state supreme courts allowing their lower courts to re-evaluate court-established congressional maps. While it may be more expedient for those in political favor to continue to turn to our court for map drawing, redrawing, and redrawing, or any of a host of “hot” political issues, that is not what the Constitution demands. And, these are federal congressional maps, but the majority does not give any weight to important federal constitutional concerns. The judiciary is to be the least dangerous branch of government. Not today, at least in Wisconsin. (Replacement paragraph:) Worse yet, the plaintiffs’ theory disobeys the United States Constitution’s Elections Clause which vests redistricting responsibility exclusively in “the Legislature thereof.” As the United States Supreme Court recently reaffirmed, the role of state courts in congressional redistricting is exceedingly limited. See Moore v. Harper, 600 U.S. 1, 36 (2023) (“[S]tate courts may not transgress the ordinary bounds of judicial review such that they arrogate to themselves the power vested in state legislatures to regulate federal elections.”). This lawsuit invites the very judicial meddling that the Constitution prohibits. We see other states invoking fairly interesting procedures to address congressional maps. We do not see other state supreme courts allowing their lower courts to re-evaluate court-established congressional maps. While it may be more expedient for those in political favor to continue to turn to our court for map drawing, redrawing, and redrawing, or any of a host of “hot” political issues, that is not what the Constitution demands. And, these are federal congressional maps, but the majority does not give any weight to important federal constitutional concerns. The judiciary is to be the least dangerous branch of government. Not today, at least in Wisconsin. *** (T)he majority appoints circuit court judges to do something, but provides no guidance. This panel cannot constitutionally reconsider the court’s legal conclusions regarding apportionment or the congressional maps. Allowing the abuse of WIS. STAT. § 801.50(4m) in this way runs headlong into constitutional constraints. Before we even begin to consider ordering a panel to apportion under this statute, we must start with the constitution. The majority instead starts with a facial application of the statute, completely ignoring constitutional implications of having a panel act on a matter that has been definitively decided by our court. *** Compounding the constitutional violations is the opaque process by which my colleagues selected the three-judge panel. There has been no disclosure of criteria, no explanation of procedure, and no transparency whatsoever. Not that these judges bear any fault in their selection, but there are over 260 circuit judges in our state, and we have no information on how or why these six judges were picked. The secrecy surrounding the selection process invites doubt. The public will never know what guided these choices; neither do I. *** Today is not a good day for Wisconsin’s judicial system. Our court has undermined its own constitutional authority in furtherance of affording the Democratic Party even more partisan political advantage than it already has with Governor Evers’ congressional maps in place. My colleagues ought not complain when our precedent is not taken seriously or followed. By entertaining this legal fiction, the majority jeopardizes the credibility of the judiciary and invites violation of foundational constitutional principles. Redistricting and reapportionment authority belongs to the legislature—not the judiciary. It occurs after a census. Because of the impasse after the last census, our court was the final word regarding apportionment and selecting the congressional maps. A circuit court panel simply cannot overturn or revise Johnson I and II. Bradley Bradley dissent The plaintiffs frame this court’s sole role in the proceedings as fulfilling a ministerial duty imposed by statute. The majority agrees. The members of this court, however, swore an oath to uphold the Wisconsin Constitution, which prohibits lower courts from reconsidering decisions of this supreme court. The Wisconsin Constitution is superior to the Wisconsin Statutes, and is dispositive. The circuit court nevertheless gave notice to this court of the WBLD and Bothfeld Complaints . . . . In response, the majority pretends this is a fresh challenge to an apportionment—rather than a collateral attack on a judgment of this court—and . . . appoints a hand-picked three-judge panel to consider plaintiffs’ challenge to this court’s adoption of Governor Tony Evers’ proposed congressional map in Johnson. None of this comports with the constitution. The Wisconsin Constitution denies the legislature any authority to empower a lower court to review the constitutionality of a final judgment of this court. The legislature itself, as amicus curiae in these matters, rejects the majority’s contrary interpretation, recognizing that the court’s constitutional superintending and appellate authority over all Wisconsin courts precludes the circuit court from adjudicating plaintiffs’ claims. The constitution itself relieves this court of any ostensible obligation to appoint a three-judge panel to perform that which the constitution forbids. Nonetheless, the majority—without even mentioning the constitution—simplistically cites the statute and says it must obey what it perceives to be a legislative command. Impermissibly interpreting statutory law to override the constitution, the majority punts to a panel of lower court judges a decision they are constitutionally unauthorized to make. In an unprecedented ruling, the majority holds that (a state statute) imposes a mandatory duty upon this court to appoint a three-judge circuit court panel for any “action to challenge the apportionment of any congressional or state legislative district” . . . . The majority says: “Because [the Bothfeld and WBLD] complaints constitute ‘actions to challenge the apportionment of a congressional or state legislative district’ within the meaning of § 801.50(4m), this court is required to appoint a three-judge panel and to select a venue for the action . . . .” (cleaned up) (emphasis added). The majority errs—gravely. Setting aside the purely political shenanigans underlying these particular cases, toppling Wisconsin’s judicial hierarchy undermines Wisconsin’s constitutional structure, damages this court’s legitimacy, and deprives the People of Wisconsin of the stability the rule of law provides. In addition to ignoring the constitution, the majority makes no mention whatsoever of the redistricting actions resolved by this court, which Justice Annette Kingsland Ziegler recounts in her dissent. After the 2020 Census revealed malapportionment, the Wisconsin Legislature drew new maps, but Governor Evers vetoed them. This political impasse prompted an original action, which this court granted to remedy the unconstitutional malapportionment produced by population shifts. Thereafter, both the United States Supreme Court and this court denied multiple challenges to the constitutionality of the congressional map. This is no ordinary case in which a party brings an apportionment challenge in the first instance in circuit court; this supposedly supreme court has already spoken, and circuit court judges have no authority to revisit this court’s decision, even if the legislature purportedly gave it. The majority’s interpretation of (pertinent statute statutes) permits a panel of Wisconsin circuit court judges to reopen a final judgment of the supreme court to reconsider the constitutionality of the Johnson II congressional map adopted by this court to remedy malapportionment. The hierarchy of appellate jurisdiction under the Wisconsin Constitution is plain, and the majority’s holding is glaringly unconstitutional. The legislature cannot empower a circuit court to review a final judgment of the Wisconsin Supreme Court, nor can the legislature require this court to appoint a circuit court panel to do so. The majority tacitly approves an impermissible collateral attack—in a lower court—on a decision of this court, but the Wisconsin Constitution prohibits such a maneuver. *** Under the Wisconsin Constitution, this court’s superintending authority is plenary and without limitation or exception. “Under the Wisconsin Constitution, [the administration of the courts is] expressly vested in this court; our authority to supervise and administer the Wisconsin court system is not created or circumscribed by the legislature.” The legislature cannot limit, invade, or strip this court’s constitutional authority. No statute can invade this court’s constitutionally-conferred appellate jurisdiction either. Under (the state constitution) “[t]he supreme court has appellate jurisdiction over all courts . . . .” While plaintiffs concede (the pertinent state statutes) leave this court’s “superintending and administrative authority” under (the constitution) intact, plaintiffs posit it would be extraordinary for the court to exercise it in this case. Hardly. Allowing a panel of circuit court judges to adjudicate a challenge to a supreme court decision impermissibly gives lower court judges appellate jurisdiction over the state’s highest court. That is extraordinary. (The constitution) gives circuit courts “such appellate jurisdiction in the circuit as the legislature may prescribe by law.” The supreme court is, of course, beyond the realm of any circuit. *** This court has accepted procedural statutes like (those in this case), but under the original understanding of the Wisconsin Constitution, this court retains its ultimate authority over court procedure. Assertion of that authority is particularly imperative if a statute appears to elevate a circuit court to a position of appellate review over the supreme court—a constitutional impossibility. Legislative interference with the authority constitutionally conferred on the judiciary has long been recognized to violate the Wisconsin Constitution. . . . “A collateral attack on a supreme court judgment” like these “would ordinarily be dismissed upon arrival.” (Citation to her own dissent in a prior case.) Political forces continue to use this court to obtain what the democratic process denies them. The Wisconsin Constitution plainly prohibits a circuit court—empaneled by this court or not—from adjudicating a challenge to a final judgment of the supreme court. The majority nevertheless entertains yet another kick at the redistricting cat. Unlike Schrödinger’s cat, this one most assuredly has been dead for years. I dissent. |
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